New Challenges in Our Area
William Sundwick
Let’s start
with some assumptions about 21st century American politics. Assumption
#1: many, many people are poorly served by their local governments; assumption
#2: virtually all communities have some people who are quite content, but most
others much less so; assumption #3: those who are most content are that
way because they have a voice in the political process.
Assumption
#4: the political power
imbalance requires extra-governmental activity, or organization, to move it.
That’s what community organizing is all about. Those who are discontented because they
lack access to their local governments can gain more access through these
organizing intermediaries.
How is this
done? All local jurisdictions in the United States, like state governments, and
the federal government itself, have popularly elected representatives and
executives. Yet, some elections are less democratic than others, because of voter
interference by political parties, or incomplete (or inaccurate?) information made
available to voters.
Since
community organizing entities are usually 501(c)(3) organizations – they cannot support partisan actors,
or lobby on their behalf – they must limit themselves to non-partisan voter
information and registration. Nevertheless, community organizers can easily
advocate for ballot initiatives, economic plans (including allocations in
public budgets), and even changes to law, without running afoul of those 501-c
restrictions.
How do they accomplish
this advocacy? Elected bodies in local jurisdictions must at least appear to be
working for their constituents if they intend to stand for re-election, so they
have an incentive to be responsive to organizations that present public clout, through
media exposure and support from influential community leaders – often the pulpits
of religious institutions. Advocacy is carried out in these venues, sometimes even
including street demonstrations and marches. It often comes down to sheer
numbers of bodies – “seat-warmers” at a local county board meeting, or marchers
gathered outside with placards (and reported by local media). That’s my usual
role!
There is
some risk in these tactics. Arrests can be made at demonstrations, and media
exposure can be negative from some outlets. Community organizers should always
expect that their actions will cause, at the very least, increased tension with
those forces who support and benefit from the status quo. A poorly planned
campaign for some social good may experience blowback from the targeted groups,
which can dull community momentum. And the interests of the marginalized
community members must always be paramount -- they must be the final arbiters
of any actions.
Fifty years
ago, when Saul Alinsky wrote his book Rules for Radicals, he laid out
the principles of the Industrial Areas Foundation (IAF), concluding that the strongest
community organizations were religious institutions. An interfaith alliance of
churches and synagogues could pool their efforts at community betterment around
local umbrella organizations. These were the IAF chapters around the country.
VOICE
(Virginians Organized for Interfaith Community Engagement) is the Northern
Virginia IAF affiliate, founded in 2008. VOICE includes an active cadre of
Muslim places of worship, along with traditional Catholic, Protestant, Unitarian,
and Jewish congregations. But our region, like others, has recently seen a
decrease in concentrations of affected communities. Churches in the area have
been losing members. Their budgets have been strained. Some of the old
congregations have been dropping their VOICE partnership, mostly due to their
changing demographics, and consequent challenges keeping up their dues. New
clergy and new congregations can be approached. Some new ones are being added (an
established Presbyterian church in my neighborhood just joined).
But many marginalized
groups leave the area, or at least move farther out – where they can afford to
live. Arlington and Alexandria, especially, are becoming more affluent (and
white) as gentrification inexorably pushes the less privileged out of the
community. The coming of Amazon to Arlington will only exacerbate an already
untenable situation for much of the local service sector of lower income
families. “The rent is too damn high!”
This has led
VOICE to alter its strategy for 2020 and beyond. Expanding on the model
proposed by Alinsky, it now seems that religious institutions need to be
supplemented by other community allies. Organized labor, shunned by Alinsky as
too parochial in its interests, now may be a potential target for outreach.
Likewise, teachers (by law in Virginia, non-unionized) have professional
associations; these, too, could be VOICE partners. In addition, tenants’
associations for housing issues, and PTAs for school issues.
While the
tactics for advocacy remain unchanged – get local politicians to listen because
they fear electoral reprisal if they don’t – the changing demographics in the
“inside-the-beltway” communities like Arlington and Alexandria make that
somewhat harder. Wealthier citizens are now beginning to outnumber the
marginalized in these places.
Arlington
and Alexandria do have an important service sector, however, including
teachers, police, firefighters. Increasingly, these public servants cannot
afford to live in (or even near) the communities where they work. Hence,
affordable housing remains a goal of VOICE organizing, both locally and in Richmond
(the General Assembly will be voting on funding for housing this session).
Localities and Richmond also share responsibility for zoning (yes, the Dillon
Rule in Virginia, gives the General Assembly potential influence over city and
county zoning
authority!). “Upzoning” for multi-family development in single family
neighborhoods is an important tool for increasing affordable housing availability.
Criminal justice
reform and education resources for school counselors and pre-K are also on VOICE’s docket for 2020. Suspension of drivers licenses for
non-payment of court costs is an issue in Richmond, as is state funding for
more guidance counselors (current rate: 500:1 ratio of students to counselors –
VOICE advocates halving it to 250:1).
Whether the
venue is the Arlington County Board meeting or the General Assembly in
Richmond, the basic principle is still to show up! Numbers are what
politicians, and the media, can see and report.
The original
Saul Alinsky theory remains valid. Voiceless people need numbers to be heard;
numbers have power for elected officials. But the IAF “Iron Rule” still
applies: Never do for people what they can do for themselves. It’s about
giving voice to the voiceless, not amplifying the voice of those who are already
heard!