Where Did it Come From? Where Is it Going?
William Sundwick
The Green New Deal was not invented by Rep. Alexandria
Ocasio-Cortez. Although it was introduced by her and Sen. Ed Markey as a pair
of resolutions in the 116th Congress, the origins of the concept
(and the name) go back
at least ten years.
Thomas Friedman used the term in a New York Times column in
2007. He was discussing the need to institute major structural reforms of the
American (and world) economy if there were to be any hope of “greening” the
future. He saw it mostly concerning the electric grid, but still made the case
that it couldn’t happen without a massive public investment comparable to the
project of the New Deal 75 years earlier.
In 2012, Green
Party presidential candidate Jill Stein promoted the same name, using it
for the party’s platform. That platform also called for major structural reforms
in all western economies, combined with an “economic bill of rights” for the
large number of workers who would likely be displaced. It claimed to owe its
origins to other “Green New Deal” programs of European Green Parties.
These earlier proponents, like Ocasio-Cortez, believed that
the power
of established corporate elites in local and national institutions was so
great that the force of law (as well as incentive) was needed to counteract it.
More moderate carbon-trading schemes, and free market pressures, could not
begin to deal with the scope of the problem.
The scope of the problem is reflected in the current GND proposal.
Its three
pillars introduced in early 2019, and further elaborated by the new think
tank, Data for Progress, are:
1)
decarbonization
2)
jobs
3)
justice.
The latest IPCC report
from the United Nations now says that serious decarbonization worldwide is
necessary over the next twelve years, or global warming above 1.5 degrees
Celsius will be unavoidable. Catastrophic
climate effects would result (more violent
storms, sea level rise, drought, famine, fires). Research into decarbonization technology
needs a significant boost, quickly, to help. And, carbon taxes, incentives for
renewables, all are required -- even investment in nuclear energy.
The
challenge also entails displacement of jobs for everybody who earns their
living in the fossil fuel and factory farming sectors. Thus, job creation and retraining
must be a significant part of any GND program, including a jobs guarantee to
get the necessary political support for the disruption.
Finally, justice must be served by ensuring maximum
equitability for impacts of climate change. The bad effects shouldn’t fall
disproportionately on marginalized, poor communities.
While there are definite technological challenges facing
decarbonization, most critics agree that the greatest challenge is political.
And, the core of the political opposition seems to be either fear of who will
be hurt, or fear that we just can’t
afford to pay for decarbonization. The jobs and justice components of GND
are meant to address the first fear, and a new economic theory catching fire
among left-oriented economists at many institutions called Modern Monetary
Theory (MMT) is meant to address the second fear – “how do we pay for it?”
The basic idea behind MMT is that our government (at least
the U.S.) prints its own money! There is NOT a finite supply of money. National
debt is a myth, and the sole purpose of national accounts statistics is to
measure social benefit. Most supporters of the GND are also supporters of MMT.
But, even without reliance on the still controversial economic theory, there is
accounting based on opportunity costs – what
does it cost society to do nothing?
So, Green New Deal proponents have a battalion of
economists, social theorists, climate scientists, and historians of 20th
century America, to support their program. But do they have people in
leadership roles in Congress (or the Executive Branch)? Right now, that seems
to be a major tactical hurdle. Famously, Sen. Diane Feinstein (a very senior
Democrat, who thinks she knows best) harangued a gathering of school children
representing the Sunrise Movement (Ocasio-Cortez’ youth movement promoting the
GND) outside her office. And, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, when asked what her
position would be on the formation of a Select Committee on the Green New Deal,
disparagingly referred to the “Green Whatever,” saying she would not support
such a committee.
We all know what the White House position on climate change
is -- denial. Indeed, the Republican Party is now almost uniformly falling in
line behind the White House position. Markey’s resolution failed in a 57-0 vote
in the Senate.
What
is the way forward? Certainly, elections must count for something. And, public
enthusiasm is clearly on the pro-GND side. But the opposition will not go away.
Grass roots lobbying of Members must be a nationwide activity. They should want
to be on the right side of history. And, their constituents have children and
grandchildren who will be on the receiving end of the worst climate effects. It
should not be necessary to rely on children, themselves, to make the case. (I’m
sure the Sunrise Movement, with some justification, thought the kids would be
sympathetic for media coverage at Feinstein’s office).
Part of the opposition to the Green New Deal Resolution is
the obvious guiding role played by Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (with Bernie
Sanders as an early co-sponsor). She has ties to Democratic Socialists of
America (DSA); i.e., like Bernie, an avowed socialist. This is still problematical
in American politics – across party lines. Is the whole plan really nothing more
than a roadmap to socialism? Does that make it a scam, invented solely for that
purpose? Many of its supporters have indicated, explicitly or implicitly, that
yes, it is just that! Capitalism and the future of the planet are simply
incompatible, they assert.
Final question, then: what does all this portend for the
future of the program, after 2020? Does the “socialist” label matter that much?
Whatever you may think of the merits of the specific Ocasio-Cortez/Markey
resolutions, it comes down to being, intentionally or not, a referendum on the
role of socialism, of radical government activism, in American democracy.
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