What Makes Them Different?
William Sundwick
The Neolithic Revolution
occurred approximately 12.500 years ago. It was followed immediately by the urban/rural
political divide. As soon as hunter-gatherers coalesced into agricultural
settlements, and stopped being nomadic, they established villages, then cities.
Yet, the food to feed the population in those cities was grown by the farmers.
It was their surplus that sustained the city.
In time, however, the farmers’ natural advantage over the
city dwellers became inverted. Farmers became indentured to the lords of the
manor (the “city”) under feudalism.
Power flowed upward – the cities became creditors and the manor, or vassals,
were debtors.
The eternal conflict between debtors and creditors
intensified. Mercantilism
was about more than international trade. Any power center (e.g., an estate,
corporation, or nation) sought to maximize profit by keeping costs (imports) to
a minimum while getting maximum price for its products (exports).
As agricultural workers lost their bargaining power, since
they had only one buyer (the city), workers in the city found more favorable
economic conditions. If they could produce goods and services only a few
skilled individuals could provide, like luxury goods for the nobility, they
could demand whatever price they wanted, provided there was a market.
The activities of marketing and money lending became
concentrated in cities. Other rent-seeking economic
behavior followed. And, the emigration from the countryside to the cities
began. That’s where the jobs were. Industrialization only aggravated this.
Education also became available mostly in the city – to provide the skills
necessary for even more specialized production. Capital, both human and
material, became the currency of a new age.
But the farmers stayed the same. Indeed, they found they also
needed access to capital in order to maximize their surplus. Family farms
became businesses -- or sold out to businesses.
And, the emigration of the young to the city continued. The
cities began to grow outside of their previous boundaries – they spawned suburbs!
So, even
the land area devoted to farming shrunk.
This happened throughout the developed world as, first
industrialization, then cosmopolitanism
with its diverse poly-cultural richness and higher educational levels, drew
ever larger populations, magnetically, to urban areas.
But
what about those who either couldn’t or wouldn’t leave? The old, the less
educated, the poor. Might they not be resentful of all their talented youth
abandoning their traditional way of life for the city? In the United States,
and some
research indicates in Europe as well, there has now developed a political
ideology around the “forgotten ones” status. It often takes on racial
animus, “us” (white people) versus “them” (immigrants and non-white others).
Religious affiliations can exacerbate the feelings – provincialism
and tribalism are frequently promoted by religious denominations. Only some of
us are God’s chosen, and fewer of us live in cities.
And those suburbs?
That’s where city cousins and country cousins can be neighbors! Suburban
development is not unique to the United States. European cities have their own
suburbs, with similar
characteristics. There are poly-cultural, cosmopolitan suburban communities
and multi-cultural communities which experience tension between their
constituent cultures. Relatively few suburbs are mono-cultural like small towns
or rural areas (very wealthy suburbs may be the exception).
Political sensibilities in the poly-cultural suburbs tend to
skew left, or liberal, but multi-cultural communities with their tensions might
exaggerate political allegiances across the cultural divide. Sometimes multi-cultural
tension is not racial, but class based. It could be between “old-timers” who
have been there since the community was a mono-cultural small town and the
“newcomers” who have moved there from the city, perhaps victims of
gentrification in the city center, or to raise a family in more space.
In the United States today, we are currently engaged in a
discussion about the
urban/rural divide as it relates to legislative districting. There are
severe constitutional constraints on how apportionment is handled from state to
state. Recently, the Supreme Court decided federal courts must stay away from
partisan redistricting. But the fact remains: if state legislatures decide on
the boundaries of the districts, they will always draw the maps so that the
dominant party’s position is perpetuated, if they are able. Individual states
may come up with alternatives (perhaps even proportional representation), but
not all have constitutional provisions for ballot initiatives.
Unless you can make a convincing economic case to farmers
and small town mono-cultural voters that their life is made much better by
immigrants or free trade, it’s
not likely that the present contour of rural right-populism can be replaced
any time soon by a more urban poly-culturalism. Some folks simply prefer to
live around fewer people, and more empty land. They skew conservative in their
values.
Cosmopolitanism is seen by many country cousins as the
ideology of the elites – for the winners in society, not them! Likewise, many
poorer urban residents see rural provincialism as a strategy for protecting
what’s theirs from “theft” by non-whites, especially. Perhaps heightened awareness
of their privilege might be prudent for both city cousins and country cousins
in this debate.
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